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The News Line : Feature
 
Feature: Wednesday January 19 2005

MINERS STRIKE TOPPLES HEATH’S GOVERNMENT
1974 – The inside story Part One of a three part series taken from the National Archive

WHEN the miners voted for strike action over pay, in February 1974, Tory Prime Minister Edward Heath called a general election.

The miners, who had engaged in an overtime ban for more than three months, voted by four to one for a national strike on February 4.

Heath decided to go for a general election on February 7, and the discussion in the Cabinet is revealed in government documents made public after 30 years on January 1.

Secret Cabinet minutes stated: ‘The Prime Minister informed the Cabinet that, following the breakdown of discussions with the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the decision of the Executive of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) to call a national coal strike he had decided to seek a Dissolution of Parliament so that the country might express its views in a General Election.’
[CAB128/53/32]

They added: ‘The election was being held at short notice and in an acutely difficult industrial situation.
‘Urgent operational decisions might be needed on a day to day basis, e.g. in relation to power allocations, picketing, etc.

‘He had therefore decided to establish a Committee under the chairmanship of the Lord President to provide Ministerial supervision for the work of the Civil Contingencies Unit and take the necessary decisions on ways of maintaining the endurance of the nation in matters directly connected with the currency emergency.’

They added: ‘The Prime Minister informed the Cabinet that he proposed writing to Mr Gormley, the President of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), asking the union to suspend industrial action until after the election so the country could consider the issues involved in a calmer atmosphere and also to the Leaders of the Labour and Liberal Parties inviting them to support his request to Mr Gormley.’

The miners’ leadership refused to call off the strike, which continued until after the General Election on February 28 and the coming to power of a Labour government, led by Prime Minister Harold Wilson.

The Cabinet meeting also discussed how to handle the miners’ pay claim, should the Tories be returned to power.

The Secretary of State for Employment, William Whitelaw, proposed that the claim would be put to the Pay Board, considering the ‘relativities’ of miners’ pay compared with other workers. This was agreed.
The state of the economy dominated this crisis Cabinet meeting and all those in the previous three months.

Lord Carrington, the Secretary of State for Energy, reported plans to authorise an 8p increase in the price of a gallon of petrol, as a result of the oil crisis.

The Cabinet minutes reveal: ‘The Secretary of State for Energy said that he had examined the likely effect of a coal miners’ strike on supplies of energy.

‘It was clear that supplies of electricity were not the limiting factor in determining endurance and a balance had to be struck between conserving fuel supplies and maintaining the industrial and commercial life of the country.

‘He proposed that a three-day working week on the present pattern should be continued; that the Central Electricity Generating Board (CEGB) should be authorised to purchase fuel oil on the spot market . . .’
The government had considered the economic and energy crisis, with Carrington submitting a memorandum to the Cabinet Office on February 6. [CAB129/174/8]

Headed ‘Response to a Coal Miners’ Strike’, its priority was a consideration of ‘electricity endurance’.

The Memorandum stated: ‘As a result of measures we have taken, we shall enter on a coal strike on 10 February with a capacity to maintain electricity supply until the end of March provided that the power workers are not prevented from entering the power stations.

‘This endurance can be extended to mid-April by stepping up oil supplies to the Central Electricity Generating Board (CEGB) and to the end-April by both increasing oil supplies and stepping up immediately electricity savings to 25 per cent as compared with the current 20 per cent to 21 per cent.’

The Memorandum added: ‘As regards electricity supply, we can therefore withstand the miners’ strike until at least mid-April, without imposing further cuts on industry or commerce.

‘Before then, however, other constraints will have appeared. Within 4-6 weeks, some coal-dependent industries will be in difficulties.

‘The most notable is steel. Steel production will fall to 50 per cent in the first week of the strike, due to shortage of coking coal.

‘This level will work to user industries in about 3-4 weeks and supplies will then be insufficient to maintain normal working even on a 3-day week.’

It continued: ‘The 3-day week will also have increasingly severe effects on business confidence, liquidity and balance of payments.

‘By the end of March, industry will have had over 3 months of short-time working.

‘Despite the resilience shown so far, as each month passes the effect will deepen: lower stocks, more shortages of components, more danger of bankruptcies, unemployment as distinct from short-time working.

‘Loss of industrial production in the first quarter of 1974 is expected to be around 27 per cent.’

Carrington’s policy statement considered the use of troops during a miners’ strike.

He considered that, since the NUM had agreed to release coal for hospitals and old people’s homes and would allow NCB staff to ensure pit safety, the use of troops ‘could be counter-productive.

‘But this situation should be kept under constant review.’

Carrington’s Memorandum recommended:

‘i. We continue the 3-day week as at present.

‘ii. We authorise the purchase of fuel oil for the CEGB on the spot market within a price limit to be agreed by my Department.

‘iii. As an additional precaution we should consider a cut in domestic and commercial oil use by up to half a million tons in February and March. . .’

The Heath government’s decision to go for a general election came after four months of a deepening economic and political crisis.

After Chancellor of the Exchequer, Anthony Barber’s crisis budget on December 17, 1973, Heath had raised the prospect of calling a general election on the basis of ‘who rules the country – an elected government or the unions’.

A wave of industrial action had swept Britain in the latter half of 1973, spearheaded by the miners, against Phase III of the Tories’ pay policy, limiting wage increases to seven per cent, which was announced on October 8.

Within a few days, the world capitalist economy, and weak British capitalism, confronted a huge oil price increase and cuts in oil production.

The Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) decided to increase the price of crude oil by 70 per cent and cut production by five per cent on October 17.

Such a leap in oil price led to inflation and an increase in the balance of payment deficit.

Industrial action by power workers and the overtime ban by miners, led Heath to declare a State of Emergency on November 13, 1973.

On December 17, Chancellor Anthony Barber produced a crisis budget. He said Britain faced ‘the gravest situation by far since the end of the war’.

Barber cut public spending by £1.2bn, axing the building programme of schools and colleges in 1974-75 by 20 per cent.

With the leap in world oil prices and the miners’ overtime ban reducing coal supplies to power stations by 40 per cent, at this time the Heath government imposed the three-day week.

Industry and commerce was limited to five day’s electricity consumption in a fortnight to December 30, and three days a week in the New Year.

During the six months prior deciding on February 7, to call a general election, Heath had done everything he could to defeat the miners and force the trade unions to accept the Phase III wage freeze.

The government documents made public by The National Archive, under the 30-year rule, reveal some of the measures adopted by the Tory government and the state to achieve this.

In particular, they studied the calibre of the leadership of the unions – the activities of the right-wing, lefts, Stalinists and Trotskyists within the trade unions.

The police were also coordinated nationally to deal with strikers’ picketing.

Despite these preparations, the miners’ strike, which had the support of the whole working class, toppled the Heath government.

• To be continued

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